VISITOR HARASSMENT:

INTRODUCTION

One of the most vexing problems facing tourism authorities in the Caribbean is the harassment of visitors by vendors, beggars, drug peddlers, and unofficial would-be tour guides. Where Visitor Exit Surveys are routinely conducted, harassment is one of the most frequently identified negative experiences reported by tourists. For example, when visitors to the island of Barbados were asked in exit surveys what they liked least about their visit, harassment on the beaches and in the streets, particularly by vendors, consistently topped the list.

Harassment has long been a problem in Jamaica. Police, augmented recently by armed plain clothes soldiers, have for years been routinely deployed to patrol tourist areas (New York Times 1999). During the 1997/1998 winter season, harassment of cruise passenger in Ocho Rios and Montego Bay received such intense publicity that the government proposed to double the fines for harassers and to establish a night court to swiftly process offenders (Deveney 1998).

To curb harassment, Barbados has also been forced to deploy beach wardens and uniformed police in hot spots (crimogenic clusters of bars, restaurants and nightclubs catering to visitors, see Ryan and Kinder 1996), to restrict vendors to booths and portable kiosks, and to threaten unlicensed vendors with arrest (Barbados Advocate 1994a). In Grenada in 1994, harassment of cruise visitors in St. Georges (the main town) and on Grand Anse beach became so disruptive that a major cruise line threatened to pull out of the island unless authorities addressed the issue (Barbados Advocate 1994b).

Yet despite its ubiquity, few destinations have seriously have seriously tackled the problem. This is partly because, with the exception of Jamaica, harassment is normally not considered a crime. Second, it is often subjective (what is good selling technique to the vendor is often perceived as harassment by the visitor, see Burman, 1998), and “although objectionable to the victim not worth reporting” (Barbados Advocate 1994b:3). Third, gathering evidence is difficult since perpetrators are often transients, and the burden of proof lies with the short-staying victims (Barbados Hotel Association Crime Watch 1994). Finally, although tourism officials may know the general contours of the problem, specific data on visitor hot spots, and the level, nature, and impact of harassment to assist enforcement are sorely lacking. The present study seeks to fill this lacuna by analyzing data on harassment in Barbados gathered through Visitor Satisfaction Surveys.

HARASSMENT

Studies of visitor harassment are hampered by the lack of an agreed upon definition as to what constitutes harassment. Professor Ralph Carnegie (1995), commissioned to write a report on "Visitor Harassment and Legislation" for the Caribbean Tourism Organization, defined harassment as "conduct aimed at or predictably affecting a visitor which is (1) likely to annoy the visitor who is affected thereby and (2) an unjustified interference with the visitor’s (a) privacy or (b) freedom of movement or (c) other action." Unfortunately Carnegie's definition loses some of its usefulness because of the very broad undefined category of "other action." Discussions with tourism officials and academics who specialize in tourism research suggests that harassment is any annoying behavior which is carried to extreme. The behavior need not initially be annoying but it becomes so if it is persistent.

Surveys and Methodology

The Barbados Visitor Satisfaction Surveys were commissioned by the Tourism Development Corporation, a private sector organization representing hotels, local tour companies, large duty free shops, and numerous tourism-related enterprises. The surveys were conducted by the consulting firm of Systems Caribbean Limited. Seven surveys were conducted in 1991, and four each in 1992, 1993, and 1994. Surveys were usually conducted over a seven to twenty-one day period and primarily on weekends since many of the interviewers worked full time. Interviews were administered by trained local residents at different times during the day and on some weekdays. Half the questionnaires were self-administered while the other half were administered by the interviewers. Although instructed to approach "all persons" waiting in the airport departure lounge to determine if they were visitors, interviewers found this difficult in practice. They therefore tended to approach "obvious" (white) visitors. Those Europeans whose English was limited had to be excluded.

The same data were not consistently collected for all 19 surveys, but the number of persons surveyed was quite large (7,782 in the 17 surveys for which we have data). Two reports could not be located. The survey content contained a general question on harassment, specific questions on visitor characteristics (origin, gender, age, etc.), the location of the harassment (beach, street, town, and hotel), and the nature of the harassment (persistence of vendors, peddling of drugs, sexual harassment, verbal abuse, and physical abuse).

Sample Characteristics

Table 1 shows the annualized sample characteristics and also data on the stayover population derived from immigration cards.

Over the four-year period (1991 to 1994) the survey data were fairly consistent, reporting between 66-70 percent of those surveyed as first-time visitors with approximately 90 percent of the respondents staying in hotels. A slight preponderance of those surveyed were males, the median length of stay averaged 7 days and the median age of visitors ranged from 36 to 38 years (Table 1). The largest number of visitors were from the United States (34 percent), followed by the United Kingdom (33 percent) and Canada (19 percent). Other European and Caribbean visitors ranged from 5 to 13 and 4 to 6 percent respectively.

(Table 1 about here)

Characteristics of the annualized sample populations are consistent with those of the stayover population. Length of stay and median age are almost identical. The only significant difference is in terms of country of origin. The sample populations are more heavily North American and British with fewer "Other Europeans" because of language difficulties in the interviews, and fewer Caribbean visitors. The latter are under-represented in the surveys, because, being mostly black, interviewers often mistook them for locals traveling off-island. The significant over-representation of Canadians in the 1991 and 1992 samples is due to the practice of interviewing on the weekends when most Canadian charters arrive and leave Barbados.

Survey Results

Table 2 shows harassment by country of origin, sex and age of respondent, first or repeat visit to Barbados, geographical location of hotel, and type of interview. The interpretation of these data and the rest of the survey results is augmented by qualitative information from careful observation of host-guest interaction and informal interviews conducted by the senior author over a ten-month period between 1994 and 1995.

Harassment by Country of Origin. Roughly 53 percent of North Americans and Other Europeans report experiencing some ("a lot" and "a little") harassment (Table 2). Visitors from the United Kingdom report experiencing higher levels of harassment (69 percent). Reasons for this are simple--visitors from the United Kingdom stay an average of two weeks versus one week or less for North Americans (Europeans stay from one to two weeks) and therefore have a greater exposure to harassment. Caribbean visitors report experiencing the least harassment (71 percent "not at all"). Being mostly black and culturally similar to Barbadians, they are often mistaken by vendors and others as locals, and left alone.

Harassment by Age of Respondent. Although the data are based on only one survey, it is clear that harassment decreases with increasing age of visitor (73 percent of the 20-29 year olds report experiencing harassment versus 23 percent for those 60 and over). Clearly, younger and more adventurous visitors are more likely to visit a number of beaches, shop and walk around, and go out at night to restaurants and nightclubs, thereby exposing themselves to greater incidences of harassment. Older visitors by contrast are much more content to cocoon themselves in their respective hotels.

Harassment by Sex of Respondent. There are no discernible differences in the overall harassment experiences of male and female visitors. However, the former are much more likely to experience verbal abuse and harassment from drug peddlers, while the latter are more likely to be harassed sexually and by persistent vendors.

(Table 2 about here)

Harassment by First or Repeat Visit to Barbados. First-time visitors to Barbados reported more harassment (64 percent) than repeat visitors (50 percent) (Table 2). This is to be expected since repeat visitors are much more likely to have learned which hot spots to avoid and how to deal politely with vendors, taxi drivers, beggars, and drug peddlers, and to even deflect their persistence with banter. This underscores the subjective element in certain types of harassment as well as cultural differences which may lead visitors to describe some types of behavior as harassment that in the Barbadian context are considered fairly normal. For example, aggressive vendors loudly calling out to potential customers is viewed as normal in the Caribbean, but first-time visitors might view this as harassment. Repeat visitors, however, being more familiar with local norms are less likely to be put off by this behavior.

Harassment by Geographical Location of Hotel. Visitors staying at East Coast hotels are less likely to experience harassment because of the relative isolation of the East Coast and the rather limited tourist infrastructure (no nightclubs, no towns to shop in, fewer vendors, no jet ski operators). By contrast, the environs surrounding South and West Coast hotels have a surfeit of non-licensed vendors, also known as "parros" in Barbados, selling all sorts of goods and services (T-shirts, coral and other jewelry, handicrafts, coconut oil and aloe vera, massages, hair braiding, and so on). A considerable number of drug peddlers, beggars, and hustlers are regulars on South and West Coast beaches and the surrounding streets and roads.

Harassment by Type of Interview. Visitors who filled in the survey questionnaires themselves reported experiencing a significantly higher incidence of harassment (64 percent) than those who were interviewed (50 percent) (Table 2). This is not unexpected as white visitors are naturally reluctant to admit being harassed to a local black interviewer. If all questionnaires were self-administered, it is expected that the incidence of reported harassment would be higher.

Harassment on the Beach. According to Table 3, most harassment reported by visitors to Barbados occurs at the beach--the public space where visitors spend much of their vacation. Between 70 to 76 percent of North American and European visitors report experiencing harassment on the beach. Most of this harassment takes the form of visitors being repeatedly approached and disturbed by vendors, but other persons like drug peddlers and hustlers are likely to be more insistent and hostile, often resorting to verbal abuse.

There appears to be no significant differences in the levels of harassment on the beach reported by North Americans and Europeans. Visitors from the U.S. report slightly less harassment probably because they are more likely to stay in upscale hotels that maintain guards on the hotel beach. Two thirds of Caribbean visitors report experiencing no harassment on the beach mainly because vendors and drug peddlers mistake them for locals not only because of skin color but also because they are culturally West Indian like Barbadians. African-Americans by contrast are more easily identified as visitors.

(Table 3 about here)

Harassment on the Street. Visitors are often harassed as they walk on the streets near their hotels or in places like St. Lawrence Gap where there are several nightclubs and numerous restaurants. In the Gap visitors are usually approached by drug peddlers or hustlers asking for money. The recent deployment of uniformed police in such hot spots has significantly reduced visitor harassment. Harassment on the streets ranks second only to harassment on the beach (Table 3). Visitors from the United Kingdom report slightly more street harassment. This is largely because of their greater on-island exposure due to longer stays. Visitors from other Caribbean islands report the least amount for the same reasons as previously mentioned.

Harassment in Town While Shopping. Even while shopping in busy Bridgetown, visitors are often subjected to harassment by street vendors, beggars, hustlers and insistent taxi drivers. Robin Walcott of the Barbados Hotel Association Crime Watch Committee reports--"we are receiving too many complaints from tourists who say 'nuisances' harass them when they are shopping in Bridgetown" (Daily Nation, 1993a:3). These nuisances physically insist on placing beaded necklaces around visitors' necks, beg them for money, and sometimes snatch their purses.

United Kingdom visitors again report significantly higher incidences of harassment in town. It is interesting to note that Caribbean visitors report experiencing more harassment shopping (33 percent) than Other Europeans (31 percent). Caribbean visitors are much more visible in town because of their holiday outfits, compared to locals in their work clothes. The senior author noticed this with a group of Bahamians who had come down to watch test cricket. Both men and women were dressed in shorts and colorful shirts/blouses with several sporting cameras. They were assailed by sidewalk vendors and taxi drivers.

Harassment at the Visitor’s Hotel. According to Table 3, a visitor to Barbados is safest and least harassed at his/her hotel, a fact that has contributed to the popularity of all-inclusive hotels in the Caribbean. With security guards patrolling hotel grounds, guests are spared from vendors and drug peddlers. However, a number of apartment hotels and small hotels in Barbados only employ security guards at night, and guests by the pool are sometimes approached by vendors and hair braiders (most hotel properties are not fenced in on the beach side).

Types of Harassment: Persistence of Vendors Without Uniforms. Table 4 presents data on type of harassment. The most common complaint was the persistence of vendors without uniforms, usually on the beach. Among white visitors, “Other Europeans” appeared to be the most tolerant of vendors without uniforms approaching them on the beach (Table 4). It may be that Europeans in their travels to warm weather destinations are much more used to services being provided on the beach. In the Barbados context these would include massage, hair braiding, and buying green coconuts, pineapples and other fruit. Since the greatest amount of harassment of visitors occurs on the beach and involves persistent vendors, the Barbados tourism authorities decided to erect kiosks/booths for vendors on some of the more popular beaches, and to provide vendors with uniforms. Their thinking was that interested visitors would approach these kiosks/booths at their leisure and would feel more comfortable dealing with vendors in uniforms. Most visitors (77 percent of Americans and Canadians) preferred vendors in booths (Table 4).

Peddling of Drugs. It is fairly common for visitors to Barbados to be approached by drug peddlers at the beach, on the streets, and particularly at night near popular tourist restaurants and nightclubs (roughly 28 percent of visitors reported being harassed by drug peddlers). These hustlers single out younger visitors, particularly those from the United Kingdom, and their persistence suggests that they must have some success. The senior author has observed known drug peddlers approaching tourists on some of the more popular beaches (Rockley, Accra, Dover, Holetown, and Payne's), in Bridgetown at night, on the Hastings Road, and in St. Lawrence Gap. Often these peddlers will follow alongside visitors insistently, and when the visitors continue to indicate they are not interested in drugs, sometimes subject the visitor to a torrent of abuse. Not only is there a nuisance factor involved here but some visitors are also quite frightened by the encounter.

Verbal Abuse. Public verbal abuse, particularly between young males, is tolerated in Caribbean society, although Barbadians are much less accepting of such bad manners than Jamaicans or Trinidadians. But verbal abuse is not just restricted to young males--middle-aged female vendors are just as adept at cursing for any perceived slight on the part of potential customers. Visitors to Barbados are also subjected to verbal abuse, a very unnerving experience when one is a guest in a foreign country. An average of 12 percent of Americans, Canadians, and Britons reported experiencing verbal abuse. The figures were higher for Other European (21 percent) and Caribbean visitors (19 percent). With respect to the former, some of the abuse must derive from the frustration of vendors, beggars, and drug peddlers trying to communicate with non-English speakers. When the visitor does not respond or waves the vendor off because he or she does not understand, this is generally perceived as being rude, especially among middle-aged female vendors. It is not uncommon for the latter to give the surprised visitor a tongue lashing, Caribbean matriarch style.

Verbal abuse is not only directed at uncommunicative non-English speakers. A visitor who responds politely and looks through a T-shirt or handicraft collection, and then does not buy anything even when pressed and offered a lower price, might sometimes experience the verbal ire of the vendor. It is interesting to note that Caribbean visitors report experiencing more verbal abuse than Americans, Canadians, and Britons (Table 4). This is because, as the senior author has observed, they are more inclined to finger merchandise and bargain, and be less polite than white visitors. When vendors bristle and take offense, Caribbean visitors are less intimidated or reluctant to retort with a few harsh words of their own.

(Table 4 about here)

Sexual Harassment. Almost all the incidences of sexual harassment are reported by female visitors. Reported incidences range from 7 percent of U.S. visitors to 12 percent of Other European visitors. European women report slightly higher incidences (12 percent) of sexual harassment possibly because they are viewed by Barbadian beach boys as being sexually more liberated (de Albuquerque 1999a).

Given the ubiquity of beach boys seeking to sexually proposition tourist women on Barbados' beaches (de Albuquerque 1999b), it is likely that visitors tend to under report sexual harassment. The senior author has documented that single female visitors or groups of females on beaches are invariably sexually badgered by beach boys, often over several days and by different beach boys (de Albuquerque, 1999a). This badgering is also common in nightclubs where young males repeatedly ask tourist females to dance. If the women refuse, the males often turn nasty, abusing them and calling them racists. Many women who agree to dance often find the "wining and grinding" on the dance floor offensive and beat a hasty retreat when the dance is over.

The problem with sexual harassment is that it is difficult to control and to prosecute. Many of the harassers have legitimate jobs on the beach--jet ski operators, beach chair attendants, and water sports operators. In other venues, such as dark packed nightclubs, tourist women are hard pressed to identify harassers. Many complain of persistent sexual badgering, lewd acts and suggestions, and sometimes sexual molestation. Their only recourse, however, is to quickly exit the club. Even in clearly criminal cases of men exposing themselves and/or masturbating in front of female tourists, either the victims fail to report or they fail to return for trial when the perverts are arrested and charged (Price 1993).

Physical Abuse. A small percentage of visitors (2 to 3 percent) report experiencing physical abuse (Table 4). This ranges from simple assault, like pushing, to more serious assaults involving weapons, usually in the commission of a robbery. Unlike other forms of visitor harassment, physical abuse is almost always a crime, and therefore more likely to be reported by visitors. If visitors to Barbados are victimized by crime, they are much more likely to be victims of property related crimes (theft, larceny, and robbery) than of violent crimes (murder, rape, and serious assault) (de Albuquerque and McElroy 1999).

The Move to Criminalize Harassment

In the mid-1990s, pressures from the Barbados Hotel Association and Tourism Development Corporation pushed the Barbados Labour Party, which had come to power in 1994, to consider ways to criminalize the more egregious harassers and

types of harassment. Amendments were proposed to the existing 1897 Vagrancy Act that made it an offense for any person to accost a passerby in a street, highway or public place without providing that he/she has lawful authority or excuse. The proposed changes would create three new offenses--annoying, threatening, and harassing–but none were specifically defined (Clarke, Lowe and Pemmasani 1995). The existing penalties of B$5 and B$10 for vagrancy were to be increased to B$2500 for annoying and harassing and B$5000 for threatening (2Bds$ = 1US$). Jail terms recommended were between two and three years.

The proposed amendments created quite a furor. The opposition Democratic Labour Party, through its leader and Members of Parliament, emphasized that the amendments would threaten small business people. The former Prime Minister argued that the changes would infringe on the rights and freedoms of many Barbadians. Ordinary vendors and taxi drivers feared they might find themselves on the wrong side of the law, especially since the proposed amendments to the Vagrancy Act did not define "annoying", "harassing" or "threatening" behavior. As a result of this public outcry, in 1998 the Vagrancy Act was repealed and replaced by the “Minor Offenses Act, 1998 - 1,” which applies primarily to vagrants who behave in a disorderly fashion, loiter, accost, molest, or harass persons. “Harassment” is defined as the use of obscene language, gestures, and actions to annoy, taunt, abuse and insult a person (Government of Barbados, 1998). Though the Act is not specifically directed at persons who harass visitors, some provisions may apply to certain types of visitor harassment like verbal abuse and exposing one’s self.

A View from the Other Side: Some Qualitative Observations

While clearly visitor perceptions and experiences of harassment are of greater import, from the standpoint of formulating effective policy to minimize harassment, it is also necessary to get the perspectives of the harassers. Informal interviews conducted by the senior author with vendors, taxi drivers, water sports operators, and others, and careful observations of the interaction between these groups and visitors present a fuller picture of the problem of visitor harassment in Barbados. The results are summarized below.

First, many vendors, taxi drivers, jet ski operators, hair braiders, and beach masseurs do not view their persistent sales pitches as harassment. To make a sale, interest a potential customer, or get a fare, one must be aggressive. This is part of the culture of salesmanship in the Caribbean where it is normal to call out loudly to potential customers, extol the virtues of one's product, and follow potential customers if need be.

Second, persistent sales pitches made to visitors lying on the beach or walking in the streets are not seen as being disturbing or a nuisance. The street in the Caribbean is a normal place to buy and sell goods, in contrast to Europe and North America. The beach is also another public space, and vendors insisted they had every right to be there. Visitors lying on towels or in beach chairs were viewed as potential customers, and stationary ones at that. Vendors all reported that they had families to feed and were struggling to make a living. Confining them to booths and kiosks took away from them the opportunity to approach visitors. Few vendors could comprehend that visitors liked to compartmentalize their vacation activities--the beach was for relaxation and sun bathing, and if visitors wanted to shop for souvenirs they would generally set aside a morning or an afternoon.

Third, vendors could not understand why they could not make "a little something." After all the visitors were extremely wealthy and thought nothing of paying exorbitant prices for food and drink at their respective hotels. Surely they could afford

a T-shirt, some handicrafts, coconut oil, or a massage, and these services/items were being brought directly to them. Making a living was more important to vendors than visitor comfort levels.

Fourth, most vendors observed were initially very polite to visitors, saying "Good morning. How are you enjoying your stay?” However, when they were waved away, or the visitors declined to say hello or engage them in conversation, this was interpreted as rude, and the vendors often redoubled their sales effort. The differences here are cultural. In North America and Europe, one does not normally respond to greetings or approaches by strangers in public places. In the Caribbean, however, there is much more intercourse, economic and social, in public spaces. It is considered polite to say good morning and good night, even to strangers, and bad manners not to answer when politely addressed. Vendors often saw more than rudeness in visitor responses, resorting at times to racism as an explanation, indicative of the inevitable undercurrent of antagonism that emerges in encounters between relatively rich guests and poorer black hosts.

Fifth, all vendors, hair braiders, masseurs, water sports operators, and taxi drivers were unanimous in their opposition to the proposed amendment (1995) to the Vagrancy Act. They argued that the new Government was bowing to pressure from white owners of tourist establishments and was trying to take away their livelihoods and make criminals of law abiding citizens. Vendors were adamant about their rights to sell goods and services if they had a license and insisted that the Government could not tell them not to sell in public places. There was some concern that the intent of the amendment was to drive vendors and others away from popular tourists beaches so as to leave them largely white sanctums.

CONCLUSIONS AND SOME POLICY SUGGESTIONS

This study is the first of its kind to analyze quantitative data on harassment gathered through visitor exit surveys. A majority (59 percent) of the surveyed visitors to Barbados between 1991-1994 reported experiencing some type of harassment. The greatest amount of harassment occurred on the beach, followed by the streets, and in town (Bridgetown) while shopping. There were no gender differences in terms of the overall levels of harassment, but males were more likely to be harassed by drug peddlers and females by vendors selling T-shirts and hand-crafted jewelry. Female visitors were also subject to sexual harassment. Younger visitors experienced considerably greater harassment than older visitors. First-time visitors reported experiencing more harassment (64 percent) than repeat visitors (50 percent). Obviously repeat visitors had learned to deal with persistent vendors and to simply ignore harassers.

In terms of types of harassment, 80 percent of visitors indicated the persistence of vendors without uniforms as the number one problem, followed by peddling of drugs (27 percent), verbal abuse (14 percent), sexual harassment (8 percent), and physical abuse (2 percent). Visitors also volunteered three other sources of harassment--taxi drivers, jet ski operators, and time share salespersons. They also identified a number of hot spots including specific beaches and streets/roads particularly along the heavily developed South Coast.

Because the first few Visitor Satisfaction Surveys uncovered relatively high levels of harassment, the Barbados Hotel Association and Tourism Development Corporation recommended a number of measures to curtail harassment. First, these included the deployment of additional beach wardens, the stationing of uniformed policemen on some beaches, and the regular patrolling of certain hot spots. Second, they impressed upon police authorities the importance of training and sensitizing policemen to handle complaints of visitor harassment. Third, they encouraged the police to pursue unlicensed vendors. Fourth, they pushed the National Conservation Commission to provide materials for kiosks and to erect more booths in designated areas. Finally, they aggressively lobbied the Government of Barbados to criminalize harassment. The proposed amendment to the Vagrancy Act (1995), however, was never voted into law. Although the Minor Offenses Act, 1998 - 1, has become law, it primarily targets vagrants and assorted miscreants and not persistent vendors, masseurs, hair braiders and the like.

Some of these measures did have a positive impact. Over the four-year period covered in this study, the percent of visitors reporting harassment declined from 65 percent to 54 percent. But the measures were also controversial because of economic (imposing bureaucratic hardships on many poor who were trying to make a living) and legal issues (constitutional questions involved in criminalizing harassment), and the subjective nature of harassment. With respect to the latter, a sizeable percentage of visitors reported experiencing no harassment and were not offended by the persistence of vendors. Of course what constituted harassment to visitors was simply viewed by vendors as attempts to make a living.

The Barbados experience is instructive for other destinations grappling with the problem of visitor harassment. Clearly the hiring of additional beach wardens to "police" beaches, the stationing of uniform policemen on the more popular beaches, and regular police patrols of other tourist hot spots helps reduce harassment. In addition, proper training is needed so that policemen can show the necessary degree of sensitivity to tourist victims and deal effectively with such problems as sexual harassment and verbal abuse of visitors (see Sunday Nation 1993). There is also evidence that the location of kiosks and booths in designated areas of popular beaches reduces the level of beach harassment (Daily Nation 1993b).

This case study also suggests the potential long-run benefits of cooperative dialogue between various tourism stakeholders, i.e. vendors’, taxi drivers’ and hotelier’s associations. Many positive strategies can result from this collaboration to both satisfy the needs of the constituents and improve the visitor experience. This was demonstrated in Barbados where a number of hoteliers provided vendors with designated areas where they could set up their kiosks and where hotels guests could browse at ease. In addition, where groups of taxi drivers were organized on a queue system, there were no complaints of harassment.

Harassment will remain a continuing problem in tourism-dependent islands wherever rich guests interact with poor hosts. The greater the degree of poverty in host societies, the greater the number of vendors, beggars, and would-be tour guides assailing tourists for a few dollars. The Barbados experience indicates that criminalization is a second-best short-run solution. To achieve a socially and economically sustainable tourism, the preferred response is a destination’s long-run commitment to cooperative attempts between policy makers, hoteliers, cruise lines, and vendors’ and taxi drivers’ associations to collaboratively find creative solutions to their conflicts, to police themselves, and to cooperate together to reduce harassment.

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