*Chapter Two of Tourism, Sustainable Development, and Natural Resource Management in Caribbean, Mediterranean, and Pacific Islands. (Draft 4-21-98)
This time it has been the coastline which has been cleared....In a genera-
tion, the land and seascape have been transformed: the bays where once
local fishermen pullsed in their seine nets, where villagers went for a sea-
bathe or where colonies of birds nested in mangrove stands now provide
for the very different needs of tourists. The impact has been dramatic.
(Pattullo, 1996: 105)
The postwar world economy has been marked by the global spread of tourism largely due to the confluence of Northern affluence, leisure, and jet technology. Today the travel industry (domestic and international) absorbs over 10 percent of world GDP and employment and 7 percent of capital expenditures (Vellas and Becherel, 1995). Nowhere has tourist growth been more rubust than among the islands of the Caribbean, Mediterranean and Pacific. Nearly four decades of restructuring many of these formerly moribund island economies toward mass commercial exploitation of their unique natural and cultural assets has produced dramatic results. Tourism accounts for a quarter of foreign exchange in the island Caribbean (Holder, 1988), a third of employment along the Mediterranean basin (Vellas and Becherel, 1995), and approaches half of GDP in American Pacific destinations like Guam and the Northern Marianas (Kakazu, 1994).
This rapid market-led growth has severely altered fragile terrestrial and marine ecosystems. In the Caribbean, tourism-induced intrusions have included the deforestation and erosion of upland forests for condominium clusters and roadworks as well as beach loss, lagoon pollution and reef damage from sand mining, dredging and cruiseship anchoring (McElroy and de Albuquerque, 1998). In the Mediterranean, large-scale coastal hotel/marina and infrastructure construction has filled in salt ponds, disfigured shorelines and polluted nearshore waters with sewage (Pearce, 1989). In popular Pacific resort areas, delicate mangroves have been harvested for construction material and reefs irreversibly scarred by trampling and collecting by tourists (Lobban and Schefter, 1997). Because of its intensive development, Guam has been compared to suburban Los Angeles while even the Galapagos, the naturalists' paradise, has been allegedly overrun by excessive visitation (Lindberg and Hawkins, 1993).
These environmental intrusions have prompted calls for more sustainable tourism styles to avoid the cyclic instability of the colonial economy (Briguglio and others, 1996; Conlin and Baum, 1995; Oppermann and Chon, 1997). As a goal, sustainability involves carefully blending a complex set of often conflicting objectives. A workable definition drawn from Innskeep (1994), Stabler (1997), and others (Butler and Pearce, 1995) suggests that sustainability ideally seeks to preserve a permanent and widely shared stream of income by creating an adaptive competitive destination niche through the ongoing guidance of participatory community planning without unacceptably sacrificing the socio-cultural and natural integrity of the asset base.
On a more operational level, sustainability requires simultaneously satisfying the diverse, long-term preferences of tourism's major stakeholders: hosts, guests, entrepreneurs and policy-makers (Laws, 1995). Achieving this is daunting given the formidable difficulties of planning in small islands in general and of managing tourism in particular. These problems are the focus of this review which concludes with a general framework for addressing them.
Planning in small islands per se is conditioned by numerous economic, social, institutional and environmental constraints (de Albuquerque and McElroy, 1995a). As a result, the content or scope of planning is quite limited and the policy options or so-called "room to maneuver" severely circumscribed. For example, small island economies (less than 1 million in population) are characterized by resource and market scarcity and intense openness. Because of the former, there are very few viable alternatives to tourism and related construction and financial services (Wilkinson, 1989), and due to the latter, the insular standard of living is largely determined by export specialization. The major influence of exports on overall activity suggests two macroeconomic threats to sustainability. On the one hand, economic performance is markedly affected by any disturbance in primary overseas markets or by actions of competitors. For example, the conversion to nutrasweet in the U.S. soft drink industry in the 1980s caused severe layoffs in the Caribbean sugar sector. On the other hand, increased specialization to offset these international market vagaries may risk resource depletion and stagnation. In short, the engine of island growth is mainly exogenous (McElroy and others, 1990).
Planning is further constrained in small peripheral states because exports are usually confined to a small range of specialties. There is no balanced production portfolio to hedge against untoward foreign demand and supply shifts (McElroy and de Albuquerque, 1990a). Local scope is further narrowed by the concentration of trade in very few historically and geographically established markets (Kakazu, 1994). Periodically, the insular economy is vulnerable to the policies of a single center country or trading bloc. To illustrate, the formation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) has resulted in a steady loss of light manufacturing exports and investment from the insular Caribbean to Mexico. Similarly, the consolidation of the European Union will drastically curtail preferential markets for the region's strategic banana exports in favor of lower-cost supplies from Central America and elsewhere. These external shocks frequently reduce local decision-making to reactive posturing and mitigating strategies instead of long-term domestic resource control and management.
Local autonomy is further restricted by heavy reliance on basic and intermediate imports. In some small islands this dependence is so intense that the domestic cost of living--and the destination's international competitiveness--is largely set by transport/fuel prices, and inflation and exchange rates of its foreign suppliers. In particular, because of the practice of pegging insular exchange rates to the U.S. dollar or some other currency, metropolitan currency realignments can cause unexpected local distortions especially in price-elastic indsutries like tourism and light manufacturing. The decline of the dollar in the late 1970s sharply cut the profitability of some Caribbean textile and watch exporters reliant on European inputs (McElroy and others, 1990). The dollar's subsequent rise in the early 1980s weakened the competitiveness of those Caribbean destinations trying to attract long-staying, high-spending Europeans. Likewise, the fall of New Zealand's (a major South Pacific origin market) currency in the mid-1980s partly explains tourism's volatility in Pacific islands over roughly the same period (Kissling, 1992).
Achieving sustainable development has also beeen constrained in a subset of over 30 politically dependent (American, British, Dutch, French) island microstates. Such territories engaged in the transition from monocrop production to a service economy based on tourism, migrant remittances and aid require increasing external technical, budgetary and capital assistance (Bertram and Watters, 1986; McElroy and de Albuquerque, 1995a). Their modernization demands the subsidized upgrading of transport infrastructures, sewage, telecommunications, and water and power systems. Such refurbishing is expensive not only become of the diseconomies of scale associated with small population size, but also because many such territories comprise remote, scattered archipelagoes. However, with the demise of the cold war, many islands particularly in the Pacific have lost their strategic geopolitical significance. This diminished strategic importance and the increasing fiscal austerity in metropolitan countries has led to a decline in aid over the past decade (Craig-Smith, 1996).
Island planners have few stabilization defenses against these external trade, aid and exchange shocks since traditional fiscal and monetary tools are relatively inoperable. Short-term compensatory fiscal stimulation is blunted by the inflexibility of regressive insular tax codes, the balanced budget mandate (for many dependencies), and the arbitrary cutbacks of large multinationals (hotel layoffs, airline downsizing, cruiseship rescheduling). Similarly, monetary policy cannot effectively control the supply and cost of credit since the money supply in very open economies is largely determined by the trade balance, and any local deviation from the world interest rate will quickly be "corrected" by offsetting center-periphery capital flows. As a result of this policy impotence in small, export-dependent economies, it can be argued that "...all of the strategic decisions that circumscribe their viability are externalized" (McElroy and others, 1990: 308-309).
A host of internal socico-economic and institutional imbalances hamper the formation of consistent policy and the community consensus needed for sustainable development (de Albuquerque and McElroy, 1995a). Most small-island states exhibit dualism: a large-scale, integrated, technologically progressive export sector alongside a small-scale, fragmented, undercapitalized domestic sector. These imbalances, intensified in archipelagic states, tend to inhibit the germination of consistent national priorities and integrated policies. The sectoral distortions created by dualism also tend through wide wage and income disparities to hasten the migration of land, capital and labor from traditional sustainable resource uses to the modern export sectors. For example, in the popular destinations of the Caribbean and Western Mediterranean, tourism has rapidly displaced agriculture, fishing and handicrafts (Beller and others, 1990; McElroy and de Albuquerque, 1990b). In combination with captive domestic markets and high transport costs, dualism also can foster monopoly power among foodstuffs and durables importers. This further reduces renewable uses and discourages local entrepreneurship.
Achieving sustainable growth also requires a stable staff of planning technicians and interagency policy coordinatioin absent in most small-island governments. This scarcity partly stems from the attraction of more lucrative opportunities overseas and/or in the private sector, and is partly due to the turnover caused by the frustrating inertia of insular bureaucracies. The face-to-face personalism in small societies and kinship ties among the leaders multiply conflicts of interest and render objective decision-making difficult (Benedict, 1967). In addition, restricted opportunities for planning professioinals in combination with sharp political and archipelagic factionalism breed caution and risk avoidance in preference to confronting polarizing trade-offs (McElroy and others, 1990; de Albuquerque and McElroy, 1995b).
These problems are exacerbated by the difficulty of gaining policy consensus, especially in small, tourism-pervasive microstates where visitor activity affects all population segments (Harrison, 1996). In the Caribbean, this partly derives from the historical legacy of racial cleavages associated with slavery and the plantation era (Conway, 1998). Such plural societies comprise a loose cluster of diverse groups with differing interests. In the Pacific, consensus is made difficult by archipelagic tensions between center and periphery. Dinell (1987) emphasizes the difficulty in Hawaii of creating a common vision between the administrative center of Oahu and the outlying "Neighbor Islands." In both regions, significant postwar population substitutions often induced by rapid tourist growth (Guam, Northern Marianas, U.S. Virgins) have spawned social conflict, eroded traditional identity, and weakened community cohesion and consensus (de Albuquerque and McElroy, 1982; Cruz and others, 1987).
Planning is further complicated by rapid demographic and labor force swings associated with boom-bust cycles common to small island societies. Determining critical infrastructure and human resource and social service needs becomes problematic (Soliani and Rossi, 1992). The self-reinforcing nature of these fluctuations threatens sustainability. For example, stagnating islands are characterized by heavy emigration, skill deficits, an aging labor force, depleted saving and entrepreneurship, and persistent trade and budget deficits (McElroy and de Albuquerque, 1988). Declines in social participation and population growth provide little incentive to fuel economic restructuring as stagnation becomes chronic (Cruz and others, 1987). On the other hand, booming islands are marked by rapid population and labor force growth through immigration, urbanization, inflation and rising threats to the ecosystem from strong housing and infrastructure demands (McElroy and de Albuquerque, 1988). The population momentum of a young labor force, destabilizing population substitutions, and multiplying resource use conflicts hinder the community's ability to achieve consensus on a more moderate, sustainable growth path.
Insular natural resource planning is circumscribed by three major general influences: the history of resource use, the propensity for natural disaster, and the fragility of the inter-locking terrestrial and marine ecosystems. Since the middle of the 17th century, Caribbean environments have been subjected to rapid deforestation, intrusive sugarculture and erosive agricultural practices (Watts, 1993). The post-emancipation era has been characterized by the depletion of nearshore fisheries, over-grazing of hillsides, habitat destruction and species loss (McElroy and others, 1990). Mediterranean islands have endured considerably longer human settlements and more diverse use patterns with similar degradation (Giavelli and Rossi, 1990). Both regions have suffered from a market-driven ethic that maximizes short-term commercial gain over long-run environmental stability (Vernicos, 1990), a legacy that persists in weak enforcement of protective legislation. Resource use in the South Pacific has been relatively less damaging because of a shorter period of colonial exploitation and a stronger indigenous subsistence tradition of sustainable resource management (Hamnett, 1990).
All three regions are susceptible to natural disasters which disrupt planning efforts and sometimes cause long-term economic dislocations. Many Caribbean and Pacific islands are prone to periodic hurricanes and droughts and occasional earthquakes and volcanic acitivity (Barker and McGregor, 1995; Lobban and Schefter, 1997). Arbitrary crop and marine infestations have also severely damaged island livelihoods. A measles epidemic, for example, in the Pacific in the 1850s wiped out much of the population of Aneityum in New Hebrides (Vanuatu). IN the late 19th century, a parasite destroyed the vineyards of Salina in the Mediterranean. In the Caribbean, a fungoid destroyed the Bahamian sponge beds in 1938, and hurricanes wiped out the Grenada nutmeg industry in 1955 (Cruz and others, 1990). Many disasters involve costly infrastructure repair and slow recovery.
The general fragility of small insular environments based on high endemisms, low diversity, sensitivity to introduced species, aridity etc. is now being increasingly understood. However, the delicate interaction of interdependent terrestrial and marine ecosystems is less appreciated. In volcanic islands, this is summarized in the natural operation of the fresh and salt water buffereing systems to stabilize island ecology (OTA, 1987). On the one hand, upland forests and lowland marshes slow rainwater runoff and erosion and trap sediment to preserve nearshore marine life and reefs. On the other hand, reefs buffer shorelines and productive mangroves against wave action, build up islands with coral debris, and produce food and habitats.
Failure to incorporate these closely coupled relationships in the siting of commercial infrastructure and activities risks long-term damage. Mountain logging or resort/road construction can accelerate runoff and erosion, which in turn reduces soil fertility downstream and silts over streams. Heavy fertilizer and pesticide use on croplands can contaminate water supplies, deplete oxygen in coastal waters and stunt coral growth. Sand-dredging and reef blasting can erode beaches, and inappropriately sited docks and marinas can destabilize shorelines. Such intricate linkages curtail planning options and suggest a more integrated approach in order to preserve the protective action of these natural buffers.
Planning is further constrained by limitations peculiar to insular tourism development. These include tourism's pervasive and fragmented character, its on-side consumption and service bias, the mass market practice common in islands, and its dynamics and volatility (McElroy and de Albuquerque, 1992). In the first place, tourism is difficult to define and model because it represents not one but a series of products and services consumed at different points in time and space. Regulation of the industry is also difficult since usually no one agency has management responsibility for all sectors involved (Ashworth, 1995). In addition, suppliers of tourism services are fragmented with multinational hotel and transport firms operating alongside informally organized small-scale local vendors, guest apartments and minibuses. This dualism weakens planning effectiveness. With a large number of vested interests among disparate groups--service and retail workers, construction labor, hotel and transport entrepreneurs, etc.--policy unanimity is not easily achieved (Butler, 1991).
Secondly, the consumption and service bias of tourism poses other problems. On the one hand, the importation of visitors for on-site enjoyment of natural and other experiences requires extensive accommodation and transport infrastructure (land, sea, air) and the provision of expensive sewage, telecommunications and water/power services. It is difficult to construct and maintain such infrastructure and utility works unobtrusively in fragile island ecosystems (Innskeep, 1991). Moreover, the presence of tourists on holiday can cause crowding, disrupt local lifestyles and negatively influence island mores (crime, drugs, etc.). On the other hand, human interaction is fundamental to the touristic experience. Vacation quality and destination competitiveness are partly determined by the quality of service delivery (Fagence, 1996). Ensuring quality service in a fragmented industry of mutiple and diverse suppliers poses special training and management problems (Urry, 1990), particularly in former plantation islands without a positive service tradition.
Third, the sunlust and mass market character of island tourism in practice is difficult to sustain in small island environments. In the first place, this is partly because of the large scale and transformational nature of the resorts and infrastructure required, and partly because they are concentrated along delicate, amenity-intensive coastlines (Pearce, 1995). It is difficult to compatibly site such facilities without displacing or damaging multiple other coastal zone activities: agriculture, fishing, shipping and residential and other uses (Coccossis and Parpairis, 1996). In the second place, such scale normally requires foreign ownership and the associated strong linkages between transnational air, tour, cruise and hotel operators and their off-island suppliers (Britton and Clarke, 1987). This external economic configuration produces weak domestic spread effects and significantly reduces local control over key decisions affecting the volume and timing of visitor flows (Oppermann and Chon, 1997).
One of the most intractable issues that threatens sustainability in mass tourism insular destinations is how to manage visitor densities and activities without causing undue host disruption and resentment from crowding, reduced access to traditional recreational amenities, realty inflation, untility breakdown and the like. Such problems in the more developed resort islands have promted the call for smaller-scale nature (ecotourism) and culture-based tourism and low-density alternatives to the mass market style (McElroy and de Albuquerque, 1996).
A related complication is tourism's dynamics, i.e. destinations tend to pass through successive stages of increasing visitor density, scale, external control and ecological damage until their attractiveness wanes (Butler, 1980). In summary form, these stages include the familiar phases of the product life cycle: discovery, growth, maturity and decline (Goodall and Goodall, 1992). The message for planners is that, if not managed properly and forcefully, resort areas inevitably face boom-bust cycles (Oppermann and Chon, 1997). This logic is difficult to avoid given the steady decline in natural and cultural assets worldwide from mounting visitation and the imperceptible year-to-year process of deterioration "...that almost no one notices the advancing 'age' of the area" (Plog, 1994: 41).
There are other policy implications of the resort cycle. Certainly these include the need to carefully monitor social and environmental impacts over time--a chronically underfunded function in most islands--as well as to identify market shifts in visitor types and tastes (Cohn, 1995; Deardon Harron, 1994). At another level, the cycle suggests four different types of strategic policy challenges across the various stages (McElroy and de Albuquerque, 1998). These involve establishing infrastructure and achieving market visibility for newly discovered destinations, managing growth in the rapidly expanding areas, sustaining tourism quality in mature islands, and finding new markets or attractions in the decline stage. Research suggests, by and large, South Pacific destinations face infrastructure and image challenges (Hall and Page, 1996); Northern Pacific (Guam, Marianas) and Eastern Mediterranean (Greece, Turkey, Cyprus) islands are primarily concerned with managing growth (Burton, 1995; Tsartas, 1992); and the Western Mediterranean (Balearics, Malta) and much of the small-island Caribbean are preoccupied with controlling visitor levels and reducing ecosystem damage (Pattullo, 1996; Boissevain, 1996; Stabler, 1997).
Another significant problem associated with the second stage of resort dynamics is that the rapid pace of tourism development often exceeds insular labor force and natural resource limits to the detriment of traditional uses. This displacement effect competes inputs and entrepreneurs away from agriculture and fishing and reduces the overall effectiveness of diversificatioin (Cooper and others, 1993). This decline is partly due to the market-driven imperatives of multinational air and cruise lines and hotel chains that place a premium on rapid growth and rising occupancies to recover their high fixed capital costs. Most islands enrountering tourist growth pressures are experiencing renewable resource losses, for example, in the Pacific (Craig-Smith, 1996; Kakazu, 1994), in the Mediterranean (Giavelli and Rossi, 1990), and in the Caribbean (McElroy and others, 1990). The danger is that in less than a generation an uncontrolled tourist invasion can severely alter the landscape, values, and way of life of an island society and leave a strong residue of resentment (Morris, 1996).
Finally, island planners must contend with the uncertainty and volatility endemic to tourism. In addition to faddish holiday preferences, there are at least five other separate sources of instability. First, major currency realignments, among other impacts, especially affect visitor flows because they can markedly alter the cost of transport and accommodation, the two largest (and price elastic) trip expenditures for long-haul vacations from the North to the island periphery. There is also recent evidence that the enduring Asian currency crisis is shifting hotel investment from the Pacific Rim towards the Caribbean and Latin America (Zengerle, 1998). Second, as an income-elastic purchase, tourist expenditures are highly sensitive to recessioins in the major origin markets. For example, since 1970 the only declines in world tourism were recorded during the 1981-82 and 1990-91 years, periods which coincided with major recessions in the industrial countries (CTO, 1994).
Third, tourism may be more sensitive to international political realignments and civil unrest than any other industry (Butler and Pearce, 1995). Domestic political upheavals (including terrorism, strikes, crime waves) as well as conflicts in regional states nearby severely undermine visitors' perception of safety in an area (Hall, 1994). On the other hand, political restructuring and the relaxation of controls such as has occurred in Eastern Europe over the past decade can enhance destination attractiveness.
Fourth, natural disasters will always pose problems because they often destroy key coastal infrastructure and accommodation capacity. Cyclones in the mid-1980s negatively affected Polynesian tourism (Kissling, 1992), and hurricanes and volcanic eruptions in the 1990s have seriously hurt some Eastern Caribbean destinations (McElroy and de Albuquerque, 1998). Finally, if recent assessments of global climate change are accurate (Gable and others, 1990), planners will have to anticipate ways to adapt to the potential impact of sea level rise on both natural (reefs, beaches, offshore cays, wetlands) and built (facilities and infra-
structure) environments.
Given the history of natural resource exploitation in small islands, as well as the formidable constraints on planning sustainable tourism and mixed record to date, new and more comprehensive approaches are warranted to reverse past failures. This is especially important given the projected pressures on insular ecosystems from rising tourism, the increasing scarcity of and visitor preference for undisturbed natural/cultural assets, and the increasing consolidation and decision-making autonomy of transnational travel enterprises (Hawkins, 1993). Past experience suggests, at least in broad terms, certain obvious directions: (1) the imperative of environmental restoration given the deterioration already incurred, (2) caution against large-scale transformational structures and the need for gradual sequencing of major developments over time, (3) the importance of adaptive planning and customizing policy according to the appropriate stage of the resort cycle, (4) the need to monitor both environmental and social impacts as well as gobal economic trends, (5) the indispensability of strong government commitment to long-term comprehensive planning and, if necessary, to set limits on visitor numbers and behavior as success stories in Bermuda, Seychelles, Maldives and Vanuatu indicate (Innskeep, 1994; Wilson, 1997; Sofield, 1991).
As a general framework to achieve sustainable tourism, we suggest a long-term, integrated, multi-year action plan with four basic interrelated components. The first involves establishing and/or strengthening the appropriate legislative and planning machinery. This would include the development and institutionalization of a comprehensive land-use plan for zoning areas for tourist (and other) development, open spaces, protected areas etc.. In conjunction with an overall economic development plan would be the development of a master plan for tourism. This plan would identify special natural, cultural and historical assets and explore compatible levels of visitation and required management programs as well as potential linkages of this activity with the rest of the economy. Special designs would also be prepared for coastal zone development to integrate the siting of structures and activities compatibly with the operation of insular marine and terrestrial ecosystems so that amenities downstream are not damaged and other viable non-tourism resource uses displaced.
There are numerous useful models of comprehensive development plans for small islands (Anguilla, Bermuda, St. Lucia, the U.S. Virgin Islands, etc.) Most require a permitting process often involving public hearings, environmental impact statements (EIAs), social impact statements (SIAs) as well as cultural/historical resource inventories. The lead role in implementing and monitoring this overall development plan would naturally fall to the national development authority (NDA/planning department).
The second component involves establishing a separate lead government agency analogous to Innskeep's (1994) National Tourism Administration (NTA) to coordinate and execute the tourism planning effort. It would also be engaged in staff education and training for impact monitoring, product development, destination promotion, and gathering research on visitor attitudes and community sentiments.
The third involves mounting a multi-year community-wide environmental education program to create public awareness about valuable insular natural and other assets, critical development and management issues, and strategies and options for sustainable commercial exploitation. The NDA would coordinate this school and citizen campaign with technical, financial and organizational assistance from local, regional and international non-
government organizations (NGOs). An important aspect of the program would be public dissemination of up-to-date monitoring information, research results, and briefings by the NDA, NTA and various NGOs.
The fourth component would be the institutionalization of community participation in actual tourism-related natural resource decision-making. It would mean creating a variety of fora involving all affected interest groups. Although effective participation is difficult to achieve in practice (Brandon, 1993), experience suggests successful programs involve local control and empowerment, link economic benefits to conservation efforts, and make use of grassroots institu-
tions.
The development of grassroots institutions, be they environmental organizations, historical and archeological societies, or stakeholder groups (fishermen, dive operators, local tourism businesses etc.) is critical since experience indicates that the political directorate in many small islands routinely bypasses the local development authority to approve of major development projects despite community opposition and highly negative impact assessments. A current example is the proposed Guiana Island development project between the Government of Antigua and Malaysian business interests (de Albuquerque, 1997). But not all small-island politicians bow to the lure of jobs and other financial inducements, and it is possible to create an orderly planning process with significant citizen input as the case of Bermuda demonstrates (de Albuquerque and McElroy, 1995b). To help reduce the pressure of short-term political horizons, grassroots organizations must marshall support (publicity, financial, technical and legal) both intra-regionally and extra-regionally. In the Caribbean context such support can be enlisted from NGOs like the Caribbean Conservation Association, Island Resources Foundation, the Caribbean Environmental Reporters Network, the Nature Conservancy and others.
The fifth component requires the presence of regional political organizations which island member states can leverage to help offset the power of the transnational travel industry. As a case in point, Caribbean islands, through regional organizations like the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States and the Caribbean Community, are moving towards adopting a common cruiseship policy, primarily in the area of standardizing cruiseship fees and passenger head taxes at reasonable levels. This is necessary to offset the high cost of cruiseship terminals and ancillary facilities. However, in the past, the powerful multibillion dollar cruise industry was able to hold island governments hostage and keep fees and head taxes artificially low by threatening to withdraw from destinations contemplating increases. Hopefully a common cruisehip policy will also address anchorage regulations (to prevent reef damage) and policies regarding the use of offshore cays, the dumping of waste, sourcing more goods sold on board regionally, and so on.
The four major goals of this five-step process are: (1) to create a community awareness of the value and fragility of insular resources, (2) to build consensus around the style(s) of tourism a small island can support, (3) to guarantee that citizen-led conflict resolution channels have been established "to ensure that future tourism development...is compatible with the 'social comfort zone' of present-day residents and the aesthetic and recreational aspirations of future generations" (de Albuquerque and McElroy, 1995a: 15), and (4) to promote regional responses and solutions to shared development problems. These outcomes and the general thrust of this comprehensive planning process conform in broad terms to Butler's (1991: 209) summary of the key ingredients of sustainable tourism: "Coordination of policies, proactive planning, acceptance of limitations on growth, education of all parties involved, and commitment to a long-term viewpoint, are prerequisites to the successful linking of tourism and sustainable development."
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